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Displayed below are some selected recent viaLibri matches for books published in 1793

        Lucifer And Mammon, An Historical Sketch Of The Last And Present Century With Characters, Anecdotes, &c.

      J. Owen, London 1793 - 296pp, errata, list of new publications, full old leather with red label at spine, edges worn, corners worn thru, multiple scratches noted at front cover, previous owner's signature at front fly, a couple ink numbers noted at front pastedown, light foxing at text. Leaf 15/16 torn away about one-third affecting the text on each page. Worldcat / OCLC locates 2 copies, one at the University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Canada, the other at the University of Groningen, Groningen, Netherlands. Very scarce / rare. [Attributes: Hard Cover]

      [Bookseller: Legacy Books II]
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        Mahlerische Reise in die italienische Schweiz. mit geäzten Blättern.

      Zurich, bey Orell, Gessner, Füssli und Compagnie. 1793 - 8°. (4), 75 S., Mit gest. Titel, 12 gest. Taf. u. 1 gest. Schlussvignette von Johann Heinrich Meyer nach Meyer und Ludwig Hess. Pappband der Zeit. Lonchamp 2058. - Erste Ausgabe. - Erste Reisebeschreibung der Südschweiz. Johann Heinrich Meyer und Ludwig Hess bereisen zu Fuss mit ihrem Lehrer Johann Konrad Steiner von Zürich aus das Tessin. "Regionales Kolorit prägte das Werk der Landschaftsmaler Johann Heinrich Meyer (1755-1829) und Ludwig Hess (1760-1800), deren 'Mahlerische Reise .' 1792 - vorausdatiert auf 1793 - erschien. Meyer . war wie sein Freund Hess ein Autodidakt; beide bereisten unter der Aegide des Winterthurer Künstlers Johann Konrad Steiner (1757-1828) die bizarren Gebirge der italienischen Schweiz, um sich zu Landschaftsmalern ausbilden zu lassen. Das . Gemeinschaftswerk der beiden Künstler . kann . 'zu den Wegbereitern einer romantischen Landschaftskunst' gezählt werden." (Th.Bürger, Aufklärung in Zürich, Seite 112). - Einband stärker berieben und bestossen. [Attributes: First Edition; Hard Cover]

      [Bookseller: EOS Buchantiquariat Benz]
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        The Life of the Rev. John Wesley, A.M. Including an Account of the Great Revival of Religion in Europe and America, of which he was the First and Chief Instrument

      Philadelphia: Printed by Parry Hall. 1793. First. First American edition. Full calf red morocco label gilt. Two early owner's names (the earlier: "John Dunn's May 25th 1793"), joints cracked but binding sound, loss at crown, a good copy. .

      [Bookseller: Between the Covers- Rare Books, Inc. ABA]
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        Autograph Letter Signed to 'My dear Kieth' [sic], (Hon. Henry, 1746-1817, Scottish Lawyer and Wit, Lord Advocate, 1783 and 1806-1807)

      1793 - Captain the Hon. George Keith Elphinstone (1746-1823, Admiral, 1801, 1st Baron Keith, 1797, 1st Viscount 1814), the Prince of Wales's Secretary for Scotland, saying that "Not finding Mr Blane", (Andrew, 1744-1839, Writer to the Signet, 1774, Sheriff-clerk of Ayrshire, 1815-1821, eldest son of Gilbert Blane of Blanefield) "willing to accept of the offices of Depute Secretary and D[epute] Keeper of the Signet which you were kindly pleased to offer for the purpose of accommodating Matters", Erskine must "in Justice to myself & I think . to his Royal Highness . intreat you most humbly to lay before his R.H. the inclosed Memorial [not present]", showing that "the promise founded on by Dr Blane", (Gilbert, Andrew's brother, 1749-1834, from 1812 1st Baronet), "was most improperly obtained . and should not be fulfilled", seeing that the Prince had commissioned Erskine to dispose of the post "which I had actually done before his Royal Highnesses promise was obtained", Keith must judge whether such a promise ought ever so "affect his R. Highness mind" as to command Erskine to fulfil it, but "there is no Command of his that I shall not cheerfully obey . especially in the Execution of an Office I owe to his favor", subscribing himself "With the most anxious attention to his Pleasure Honor & Interest .", 3 sides 4to, Edinburgh, 2nd March Henry Erskine was one of the most admired Scottish lawyers of the day, seasoning his arguments with wit that was always to the point. In the spring of 1783 the Prince of Wales appointed him his advocate and State Councillor in Scotland, a post that survived his short tenure as Lord Advocate later that year. At the time of this letter he was also Dean of the Faculty of Advocates, 1785-1796. The Keeper of the Signet, now one of the titles of the Lord Clerk Register, is an office under the Crown, whose day-to-day business is managed by the Deputy Keeper. The Society of Writers to the Signet, besides their standing as solicitors to the Court of Session, had formerly wide powers in approving the issuing of writs. Gilbert Blane was a distinguished physician who reformed the Navy's attitude to health by preventive measures, particularly in combating scurvy with lemon juice, made official in 1795.

      [Bookseller: Sophie Dupre ABA ILAB PADA]
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        Mirabilia Dei inter Indicos, or: The Rise and Progress of a Remarkable Work of Grace among a Number of the Indians in the Provinces of New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, Justly Presented in a Journal Kept by Order of the Honourable Society, in Scotland, for Propagating Christian Knowledge, with some General Remarks

      Leonard Worcester, Printer, Worcester, MA 1793 - Brown full leather binding rubbed at extremities; corners frayed; backstrip chipped; boards scuffed; hinges cracked, though textblock tight & firm; a few leaf edges lightly chipped; leaf edges, paste-downs, eps & most leaves foxed, else a very sturdy, clean copy of this historic volume. ; 8vo; 84 pages [Attributes: Hard Cover]

      [Bookseller: Hyde Brothers, Booksellers]
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        Autograph Letter Signed.

      "Jean Paul," a much-admired and much-maligned German writer of the Romantic period whose prolific output included such novels as "The Invisible Lodge" (1793), "Hesperus" (1795), "Siebenkäs" (1796-97), "Titan" (1800-03), "The Awkward Age" (1804-05) and many others. ALS in German, 1p, 6¼" X 8", Hof in Vorgtland, Germany, 13 December 1789. Addressed to (in translation) "Highly honored and respected Sir." Very good. Mounting traces along left edge (verso only). An unusually early example, boldly penned in dark brown ink during a period when he was living with his mother and tutoring children in a nearby village; his pseudonymously-published, poorly-received "Selections from the Devil's Papers" was published earlier this same year. In this letter he writes an unnamed publisher that (in translation) "I take the liberty to send you the beginning of a manuscript and beg you to give me your opinion as to its probable acceptance or rejection at your earliest convenience. I have the honor to sign myself with the greatest respect...." Boldly signed "J.P.F. Richter." Richter's next book ("The Invisible Lodge") wasn't published until 1793, and parts of it such as "Life of the Cheerful Schoolmaster Maria Wutz" are believed to have been written in 1790, so it's quite possible that he was submitting some other portion of "The Invisible Lodge" with this query. An interesting example worth further research. Very scarce.

      [Bookseller: Main Street Fine Books & Manuscripts, AB]
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        Ansicht der Caracalla-Thermen in Rom, 1793

      - Technik: Radierung auf Papier. Beschriftung: Unterhalb der Darstellung in der Druckplatte signiert, datiert und bezeichnet: "A. C. Dies f Romae 1793 | Terme di Caracalla". Werkverzeichnis: Andresen III, Nr. 13; Fichter Nr. 58. Serie: Mahlerisch radirte Prospecte von Italien, von Johann Christian Reinhart, Jakob Wilhelm Mechau und Albert Christoph Dies. Grösse: 24,8 x 35,4 cm (Darstellung). Weitere Größen: 38,6 x 49 cm (Papier). 28 x 37,6 cm (Plattenmaß). Beschreibung: Die von Kaiser Caracalla im Jahre 216 eröffnete Badeanstalt, in künstlerischer wie in technischer Hinsicht ein Meisterwerk europäischer Zweckarchitektur, gehört zu den imposantesten Ruinen Roms. Dies stellt sie aus großer Distanz vom Palatin gesehen in ihrer ganzen Ausdehnung dar. Rechts erhebt sich der Aventin mit der Kiche S. Balbina. Es handelt sich um einen Gesamtpreis inkl. Versandkosten innerhalb der BRD. Umsatzsteuer wird wegen Differenzbesteuerung nach §25a UstG weder erhoben noch ausgewiesen. [Attributes: Signed Copy]

      [Bookseller: H. W. Fichter Kunsthandel e.K.]
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        Großes Wiener Affentheater. Zwei ausserordentlich große Vorstellungen von bewunderungswürdigen Fertigkeits-Uebungen, in Kunstreiten, Voltigiren, Seiltänzen mit und ohne Balancirstange, künstlichen Wendungen und höchst komischen Scenen durch Affen und Hunde auszuführen. (Unterzeichner:) Heinrich Schreyer.

      Einblattdruck mit gr. Holzschnitt (17 x 36 cm). Blattgr.: 56 x 39 cm. Wurzbach XXXI, 305: "Heinrich Schreyer, Menageriebesitzer und Thierhändler, war aus Lemberg in Galizien gebürtig (geb. 1793, gest. zu Wien 22. August 1847). Im Sommer 1847 kam er nach Wien, wo er im Prater das große Affentheater erbaute, welches er im Juni d. J. eröffnete. Der Zulauf zu dieser Sehenswürdigkeit - die Dressur der Hunde und Affen war psychologisch merkwürdig - war ein ungeheurer. In wenigen Wochen hatte S. einen Gewinn von über 20.000 fl. erzielt. Aber mit diesem Glücke seines Unternehmens schritt das Unglück in seiner Familie Hand in Hand. Kaum in Wien angekommen, erkrankten Frau und Kinder am Typhus. Kaum waren aber diese genesen, wurde er selbst von der Seuche hingerafft. Das Theater führte nun die Witwe fort. Später übernahm das Ganze Casanova, der in Schreyers Diensten gestanden und der nun einige Zeit noch in Wien Vorstellungen gab. Im Jahre 1861 brachte der damalige Volkssänger Fürst die Bude käuflich an sich, gestaltete sie um und eröffnete sie am 21. April 1862 als Singspielhalle, aus welcher das Volkstheater im Prater und zuletzt das Fürst-Theater sich entwickelte. Anregend im Hinblick auf Abrichtung der Thiere, wirkte die Schreyersche Affenbude auf die Bevölkerung ganz anders, wie der Cancan der Fürstschen Bühne! Noch sei bemerkt, daß Schreyer während seines kurzen Aufenthaltes in Wien im Jahre 1847 dem im genannten Jahre errichteten Affenhause in der Schönbrunner Menagerie die erste Affenbevölkerung lieferte."

      [Bookseller: Antiquariat Turszynski]
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        The Life of the Rev. John Wesley, A.M. Including an Account of the Great Revival of Religion in Europe and America, of which he was the First and Chief Instrument

      Philadelphia: Printed by Parry Hall. 1793. First. First American edition. Full calf red morocco label gilt. Two early owner's names (the earlier: "John Dunn's May 25th 1793"), joints cracked but binding sound, loss at crown, a good copy. .

      [Bookseller: Between the Covers- Rare Books, Inc. ABA]
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      J. J. Tourneisen 1793-94, Basil - Clean full leather. Spine tooled with arabesque gilt designs. Texts tight, clean and intact. Very lightly foxed page margins. Volume #1, 395pp; #2, 413pp; #3, 430pp; #4, 364pp; #5, 381pp; #6, 350pp; #7, 344pp; #8, 320pp with index. Volume #1 and # 8 published in 1794, all others in 1793. Volume 1 's front hinge partially cracked with cover firmly attached. Spine ends lightly rubbed Volume 8's front hinge has a one inch crack at spine head. Volumes range from G+-VG. Rare, English History; 8vo 8" - 9" tall; 2997 pages [Attributes: Hard Cover]

      [Bookseller: Nick Bikoff, IOBA]
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        Die Prati del Popolo Romano auf dem Testaccio, 1793

      - Technik: Radierung auf Papier. Beschriftung: in der Platte signiert, datiert und bezeichnet: "J. Mechau f. Romae 1793" und bezeichnet: "Sito di recreazione dei pittori Fiaminchi del Secolo passato etc: a monte testaccio". Werkverzeichnis: Nagler 8, Nr. 5, Fichter Nr. 28. Serie: Mahlerisch radirte Prospecte von Italien, von Johann Christian Reinhart, Jakob Wilhelm Mechau und Albert Christoph Dies. Grösse: 25,2 x 35 cm (Darstellung). Weitere Größen: 39 x 49,4 cm (Papier). 28,1 x 37,7 cm (Plattenmaß). Beschreibung: Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts war die Gegend um den Monte Testaccio vor der Porta S. Paolo noch Teil der Campagna, wo sich die Römer und auch die in Rom lebenden ausländischen Künstler in und vor zahllosen Tavernen vergnügten. Mechaus Darstellung ist eine realistische Beschreibung dieses Volkslebens. Es handelt sich um einen Gesamtpreis inkl. Versandkosten innerhalb der BRD. Umsatzsteuer wird wegen Differenzbesteuerung nach §25a UstG weder erhoben noch ausgewiesen. [Attributes: Signed Copy]

      [Bookseller: H. W. Fichter Kunsthandel e.K.]
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        Cartas Marruecas.

      En Madrid, en la Imprenta de Sancha, 1793. - in-8. 5ff. 3-224pp. Pleine basane racinée, dos lisse orné, pièce de titre de maroquin rouge (menus défauts). Edition Originale de cet ouvrage célèbre, qui fit l’objet de fréquentes réimpressions jusqu’à nos jours. Il s’agit du premier livre espagnol écrit sur le modèles des "Lettres Persanes" de Montesquieu, évoquant les ridicules de la société espagnole de l’époque à travers les lettres d’un marocain visitant la péninsule. On y trouve notamment des considérations sur l’Amérique, sur Hernan Cortes, sur la variété des provinces composant l’Espagne, sur la langue castillane, sur les "Corridas de Toros", etc. José Cadalso (1741-1782) avait été élevé à Paris et il voyagea en Allemagne, Angleterre, Italie avant de suivre la carrière des armes en Espagne. Il périt d'un éclat d'obus pendant le siège de Gibraltar. Quelques feuillets brunis. Passages soulignés et annotations au crayon. Très bon exemplaire.

      [Bookseller: Librería Comellas]
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        Traité Élémentaire De Chimie, Présenté Dans Un Ordre Nouveau Et D'Après Les Découvertes Modernes; Avec Figures, Complete in Two Volumes

      Cuchet, Libraire, Rue & Hotel Serpente, Paris 1793 - Complete in two volumes. 1793. Second edition. Hardcover, 8vo. in vellum-backed blue paper boards, housed in full leather slipcase with gilt title. 298(xliv), 327pp. complete with 13 engraved folding plates between the two volumes. Very good. Rubbing, surface wear to leather slip case. Chipping and rubbing to paper of boards and corners, extremities. Ownership signature, dated 1928, to flyleaf of first volume. Internally clean and unmarked with bright plates. 2vol. Digital images available upon request. [Attributes: Hard Cover]

      [Bookseller: Caliban Books Pittsburgh PA, ABAA]
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        Edward VI.

      IMITATIONS OF ORIGINAL DRAWINGS BY HANS HOLBEIN, IN THE COLLECTION OF HIS MAJESTY, FOR THE PORTRAITS OF ILLUSTRIOUS PERSONS OF THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. WITH BIOGRAPHICAL TRACTS. John Chamberlaine, London., 1793. Stipple engraving. Printed colour. Very good condition. Size: 17.5 x 26.5 cm. (7 x 10½ inches). Bartolozzi developed his style to imitate the subtleties of renaissance and baroque chalk drawings and became deservedly famous for his stipple engraving. The portraits in this collection show how effective this technique was in reproducing with such incredible fidelity Holbein's original designs. Accompanied by a biographical tract giving a brief history of Edward VI, son of Henry VIII and Jane Seymour. Engraved by BARTOLOZZI, Francesco

      [Bookseller: Peter Harrington]
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        Über die Schriftlehre von der Versöhnung durch Christum an den Grafen Cajus Reventlow von Johann Caspar Lavater. 15 Briefe, Manuskript.

      Kl.-8, 141 handgeschrieben Seiten, Kart-Mappe der Zeit mit handschriftl. Rückenschild m. losen Bogen in Schuber, Ganz vereinzelt kleine Flecklein, ansonsten tadell. Zürich, Donnerstag den 14. November 1793, in den letzten Stunden meines zweiundfünfzigsten Lebensjahres. J. C. L. Handschriftliche Kopie des theologischen Textes von einem Schreiber aus dem Umfeld des Autors abgeschrieben. Laut der Handschriftenabteilung der Zentralbibliothek entspricht es dem Manuskript: FA Lav Ms. 75.1KANN ERST NACH MESSERERHÖFFNUNG VERKAUFT WERDEN!

      [Bookseller: antiquariat peter petrej]
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        Freiheit und Gleichheit, 1793

      - Technik: Radierung auf Papier. Beschriftung: unten rechts signiert und datiert: "D: Chodowiecki f: & inv: 1793". Werkverzeichnis: Engelmann 723 II/II. Grösse: 5,9 x 5,7 cm (Darstellung). Weitere Größen: Platte: 7,2 x 6,1 cm Papier: 10,5 x 9,5 cm. Beschreibung: "Eine nach Links gehende junge Dame mit einem Fächer in der Linken wird von einem neben ihr Rechts an sie heranspringenden Schronsteinfegerjungen am Kinn gefasst. Er trägt nur ein Hemd, eine Leiter und eine Jacobinermütze. Der Künstler sagt hierzu handschriftlich: 'Ein Schornsteinfegerjunge erlaubt sich ein Mädchen zu caressiren. Es kann es nicht hindern, und sind die Folgen der ohnbehosten Freiheit und Gleichheit" (Engelmann 1857, S. 388). Es handelt sich um einen Gesamtpreis inkl. Versandkosten innerhalb der BRD. Umsatzsteuer wird wegen Differenzbesteuerung nach §25a UstG weder erhoben noch ausgewiesen. [Attributes: Signed Copy]

      [Bookseller: H. W. Fichter Kunsthandel e.K.]
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        A Voyage to Madagascar, and the East Indies

      London: Edward Jeffery, 1793. lxiv, (17)-406, 1 pp. b/w folding map. An important historical source. The final seventy pages are Brunel’s “Memoir Descriptive of the China Trade” which features a detailed list of export goods. The Madagascar section is illustrated with a handsome engraved folding map, colored in outline, “Topographical Map of the Island of Madagascar from the original design... by M. Roberts in 1727.” This is the second English edition, translated by Joseph Trapp, of a work which first appeared the year before. Bound in original calf, rebacked, with original spine label.

      [Bookseller: Ten Pound Island Book Co.]
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        Abhandlung über die Kräfte der thierischen Elektrizität auf die Bewegung der Muskeln nebst einigen Schriften der H. H. Valli, Carminati und Volta über eben diesen Gegenstand. Eine Uebersetzung herausgegeben vom D. Johann Mayer.

      Prag, J. G. Calve, 1793. - Erste dt. Ausgabe. - „[.] Galvanis Arbeit stieß sofort auf breites Interesse in der wissenschaftlichen Welt und verwickelte ihn in eine Kontroverse mit Alessandro Volta [.]. Galvani hat also nur indirekten Einfluß auf die moderne Entwicklung von Energie, Elektrochemie und Elektromagnetismus gehabt. Aber zweifellos gründet sich die moderne Elektrophysiologie [.] auf seine Beobachtungen über das Verhalten von Froschschenkeln" (Carter/Muir, Bücher die die Welt verändern S. 443f.). - Die Kupfertafeln illustrieren Galvanis Versuche an Froschschenkeln. - Einband etw. berieben. Durchg. gebräunt u. etw. stockfleckig, gegen Ende im Kopfsteg schwach wasserrandig. - Vgl. PMM 240; Borst 685; Graesse III, 21; Dibner, Heralds of Science, 59; Wheeler 570b; Fulton/Cushing 9; Burndy, Galvani 11; One Hundred Books Famous in Medicine 50; Garrison/M. 5423; Norman 1162; Poggendorff I, 839; DSB V, 267; Darmstaedter S. 231; Waller 11345; Horblit 37a. ge Gewicht in Gramm: 500 Kl.-8°. Mit 4 gefalt. Kupfertafeln. XXVIII (recte XXVII) (1), 183 (1) S., Späterer Ldr.-Bd. m. goldgepr. Rückenschild. [Attributes: First Edition]

      [Bookseller: Antiquariat Wolfgang Friebes]
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        Mémoire sur la recherche des moyens que l'on pourroit employer pour construire de grandes Arches de pierre de deux cents, trois cents, quatre cents, & jusqu'à cinq cents pieds d'ouverture, qui seroient destinées à franchir de profondes vallées bordées de rochers escarpés

      - One large folding engraved plate. 1 p.l., 44 pp. Large 4to, cont. half-sheep & marbled boards (minor foxing). Paris: de l'Imprimerie Nationale, 1793. First edition. "This Mémoire on his monumental concept of masonry bridges with spans of 200 to 500 feet is the rarest of all Perronet's works. Inspired by some of the great spans of the past (Verona 150ft or Pontypridd 178ft) he asks why, 'dans un siècle ou les sciences & les arts ont fait de si grands progrès, ne pourroit-on pas se flatter d'en établir solidement qui ayent encore plus d'ouverture?'? "Perronet is fascinated by the challenge of building such huge spans, particularly that of 500ft, and three main problems are considered. The first of these is the choice of stone and here he draws on his considerable knowledge, derived from experiments carried out on the strength of stone from quarries all over France, as well as citing his experience during the construction of the Neuilly bridge. The other two problems concern the design of centring for such a gigantic arch and the method of dismantling it after the keystone has been put in place. Here, too, he brings his unparalleled experience to bear in his design but cites the theoretical works of Parent, Buffon, Musschenbroek and Couplet to prove its feasibility? "The spandrels of his arch were to have been pierced by three voids, reminiscent of the Pontypridd bridge, and the design and construction of these are discussed, together with the retaining walls, the fill of the haunches behind the spandrel walls etc. Altogether a remarkable work (illustrated with a single magnificent plate)."-Elton, Cat. 5, 42. Perronet (1708-94), was the founding director of the École des Ponts et Chaussées and developed the classical stone arch bridge to its ultimate perfection. The fine and very large plate depicts the projected 500 foot bridge and has an engraved flap pasted over a portion of the image to show before-and-after effects. Very good copy. ? D.S.B., X, pp. 527-28. Picon, French Architects and Engineers in the Age of Enlightenment, pp. 167-68. [Attributes: First Edition; Hard Cover]

      [Bookseller: Jonathan A. Hill, Bookseller Inc.]
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        An Enquiry concerning Political Justice and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness. The Second Edition Corrected. In two Volumes [Eine Untersuchung über politische Gerechtigkeit und ihr Einfluß auf allgemeine Tugend und Glück. Zeite korrigierte Ausgabe in zwei Bänden].

      Zweite Aufl. in zwei Bänden. In seinem Hauptwerk zu Deutsch: ?Politische Gerechtigkeit? (1793) präsentiert sich William Godwin (1756-1836) als entschiedener Kritiker der frühkapitalistischen Gesellschaft. Godwin plädiert für einen auf normativen Grundprinzipien basierenden Egalitarismus, der auf eine gleichmäßige Verteilung des Eigentums an alle Menschen abzielt. Seine individualanarchistischen Gedankengänge erschienen für die zeitgenössischen Verhältnisse komplex, so dass sie daher vorrangig von intellektuellen Kreisen rezipiert wurden. Diese auf exklusive Gesellschaftsschichten beschränkte Resonanz war vielleicht der Grund, weshalb sein Hauptwerk ?Political justice and its influence on general virtue and happiness? von einem Verbot durch die monarchische Autorität nicht verschont blieb. - Besitzvermerk in Tinte (Dan Harwood). Einband an den Kanten und Rändern berieben. Insgesamt guter Zustand.

      [Bookseller: Rotes Antiquariat]
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        A collection of addresses transmitted by certain English clubs and societies to the National Convention of France; the Decree of the executive council respecting the Scheldt; and extracts from several treaties respecting the navigation of that river: and also certain decrees of the National Convention, Le Brun's report; the speeches of M.M. Cambon, Dupont, and Kersaint; with several other interesting papers, tending chiefly to shew the general views of France with respect to this and other countries; to which are added, extracts from the seditious resolutions of the English societies; with a list of those societies. The second edition, with considerable additions.

      London: J. Debrett. 1793. 8vo., viii + 173 + (1)pp., tear in one leaf but no loss of printed surface, recent marbled boards lettered on spine. A very good copy. Goldsmiths 15517. A damning gathering together of the correspondence sent to the French revolutionary government by sympathetic radical groups in Britain. These included the London Corresponding Society (and its affiliates in Manchester, Norwich, Sheffield, and Stockport), the Society of the Friends of the People, and the Society for Constitutional Information. There are inevitably letters or addresses by Maurice Margarot, Thomas Hardy, Joel Barlow, John Frost, and others. All the documents here published are printed in parallel English and French. On the last page is published a List of Clubs which have met in London and Westminster, for the purpose of disseminating seditious principles.> Nearly all the clubs met at inns or public houses, although, of the list of 29 clubs, the editors were unable to identify the meeting places of no fewer than 7 of them.

      [Bookseller: John Drury Rare Books]
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        Abhandlung über die Kräfte der thierischen Elektrizität auf die Bewegung der Muskeln nebst einigen Schriften der H. H. Valli, Carminati und Volta über eben diesen Gegenstand. Eine Uebersetzung herausgegeben vom D. Johann Mayer.

      Prag, J. G. Calve, 1793. Kl.-8°. Mit 4 gefalt. Kupfertafeln. XXVIII (recte XXVII) (1), 183 (1) S., Späterer Ldr.-Bd. m. goldgepr. Rückenschild. Erste dt. Ausgabe. - „[...] Galvanis Arbeit stieß sofort auf breites Interesse in der wissenschaftlichen Welt und verwickelte ihn in eine Kontroverse mit Alessandro Volta [...]. Galvani hat also nur indirekten Einfluß auf die moderne Entwicklung von Energie, Elektrochemie und Elektromagnetismus gehabt. Aber zweifellos gründet sich die moderne Elektrophysiologie [...] auf seine Beobachtungen über das Verhalten von Froschschenkeln“ (Carter/Muir, Bücher die die Welt verändern S. 443f.). - Die Kupfertafeln illustrieren Galvanis Versuche an Froschschenkeln. - Einband etw. berieben. Durchg. gebräunt u. etw. stockfleckig, gegen Ende im Kopfsteg schwach wasserrandig. - Vgl. PMM 240; Borst 685; Graesse III, 21; Dibner, Heralds of Science, 59; Wheeler 570b; Fulton/Cushing 9; Burndy, Galvani 11; One Hundred Books Famous in Medicine 50; Garrison/M. 5423; Norman 1162; Poggendorff I, 839; DSB V, 267; Darmstaedter S. 231; Waller 11345; Horblit 37a. Versand D: 12,00 EUR Galvani, Abhandlung über die Kräfte der thierischen Elektrizität auf die Bewegung der Muskeln nebst einigen Schriften der H. H. Valli, Carminati und Volta über eben diesen Gegenstand, Valli, Carminati, Volta, Mayer, Elektrizität, Elektrophysiologie

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        John Davis and the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 - Collection of Manuscript Correspondence, Documents, and Memorials pertaining to John Davis, a free former slave, kidnapped in Pennsylvania and taken to Virginia - the Case which Directly Precipitated the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 - and to the efforts of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society and the Washington Abolition Society to provide Legal Assistance to Davis and other Fugitive Slaves - 1790-1800

      This collection is of great interest for its papers dealing with the tragic case of John Davis, a slave, made free by Pennsylvania's Gradual Emancipation Act, who was subsequently kidnapped by three men from Virginia and taken to that state. The efforts of the two Abolition Societies on his behalf directly precipitated the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793: "The controversy, over the kidnapping of John Davis, is particularly important because it led to the adoption of the 1793 act dealing with both fugitives from justice and fugitive slaves. The Davis case had important implications for the rendition of fugitive slaves because the three fugitives from justice that Pennsylvania sought were charged with kidnapping a free black. The problem of kidnapping free blacks quickly emerged as a mirror image of the problem of fugitive slaves. Just as southern states demanded the right to retrieve runaway slaves, northern states demanded the right to protect their free black residents from being kidnapped and sold into servitude in the South."1 The papers of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society have long been in the collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. (The present material was recently discovered amongst the collection of the David Redick2 (1750-1805) family papers, which are also available from this firm). Housed in a recent ¼ morocco custom slipcase. This case precipitated the first interstate conflict over the rendition of fugitives from justice. The history of the adoption of the 1793 law illustrates the importance of slavery to national politics in the 1790s. This history also demonstrates that in this early period southerners were quick to perceive a threat to slavery and just as quick to organize to protect that institution. As material in this collection shows the John Davis case, which began in the period of the ratification debates, was affected by efforts not to upset the "Federal Consensus" on slavery - which was - that the national government could not interfere with slavery in the states and that support for slavery was part of the national compact necessary to keep the union together. "In 1791 Governor Thomas Mifflin of Pennsylvania requested the extradition of three Virginians who were accused of kidnapping a black man named John Davis, and taking him from Pennsylvania to Virginia, where he was enslaved. Governor Beverly Randolph of Virginia ultimately refused to extradite the three men, claiming that Davis was really a fugitive slave who had escaped into Pennsylvania, (Davis was actually a free black, see below). Mifflin then turned to President George Washington, who asked Congress to pass legislation on both interstate extradition and fugitive slave rendition. The result was the adoption, in February 1793, of a four part staute dealing with both questions, which is commonly known as the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793. How Congress came to adopt that law tells us much about the way the founding generation dealt with slavey. Ironically, Governor Mifflin's attempt to protect free blacks from kidnapping resulted in legislation that provided slave owners with a vehicle for recovering runaway slaves and possibly enhancing opportunities for kidnapping."3 The Pennsylvania Abolition Society The Pennsylvania Abolition Society was the first and at one time the leading abolition society in the world. The Society helped secure and protect abolitionist laws in Pennsylvania during the Revolutionary War period but its members consistently attacked slavery in an age when most American statesmen hoped to avoid the divisive issue. The Society was founded in 1775 and in its earliest days the Society's active members were Quakers. Acting as social workers, they investigated and often managed to settle cases where an African American was being unlawfully held. As the organizers and their work made an impact upon the community, more and more men of prominence signed the Articles of the Society, one of which stated: "No Person holding a Slave or publickly avowing those Sentiments shall be admitted a Member of this Society." Among the more famous signers were Clement Biddle, Benjamin Rush, Robert Morris, Zachariah Poulson, Jr., and Tench Coxe. During the Revolution, roughly from the end of 1775 until 1784, the group's activities were naturally suspended, but, in the decade after the Society made Philadelphia the worldwide capital of the burgeoning abolitionist movement. In 1787, when a committee was appointed to revise the Society's constitution, Coxe proposed for membership Benjamin Franklin and his grandson Temple, and William Jackson similarly proposed Thomas Paine. Franklin would become the president of the renascent Society. The Society asked him to bring the contentious issue of slavery before the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which Franklin chose not to do. The reorganized and re-energized Society devoted itself to, in the words of its new constitution, "use such means as are in their power to extend the blessings of freedom to every part of the human race." The Society, which would grow to some 2,000 members over the next few decades, backed up its anti-slavery rhetoric with anti-slavery action, only a careful examination of the Society's records can give an idea of its almost frenetic activity and the mass of documents which resulted, most of which are in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It encouraged the organization of associated groups in Pennsylvania and other states. It memorialized Congress and Pennsylvania to enact laws favorable to African-Americans. It published anti-slavery propaganda. It corresponded with like - minded individuals and organizations in England and France. Much of its practical work was in aid of free blacks or escaped slaves who were continually harassed by kidnappers who forced them back into slavery or into slavery. The Society also kept records of manumissions so that proof of freedom would be available. The early Abolition Societies, including the Pennsylvania Society have been called "antikidnapping socities."4 The group's abolitionist strategy rested on the twin pillars of petitioning and legal work. For decades the Society's petitions asked state and national governments to protect free African-Americans, curtail the domestic slave trade, ban overseas slave trading, and strike at slavery in the District of Columbia. The legal work undertaken by the Pennsylvania Abolition Society remains one of the most undervalued facets of the group's activities. From the 1780's onward, Pennsylvania abolitionists ran the most important legal-aid system for endangered African-Americans anywhere. While Pennsylvania reformers believed that slave property had constitutional standing in southern states, Society lawyers believed that abolitionists could manipulate bondage via the law. For example if a Maryland master gave his or her slave permission to visit family in "free" Pennsylvania, and that enslaved person refused to return to bondage, the Society took up the case. If a slave fled to Pennsylvania and had children there, the Society challenged the former master's right to the children. The Society often sought the recovery of escaped slaves from Virginia, who after settling in Pennsylvania were often kidnapped, transported back to their masters and a return to bondage. The Society would likewise undertake the recovery of free blacks who were forcibly taken and sold into slavery: hence it's involvement in the John Davis case. John Davis and the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 The John Davis case begins in the 1770's when John was brought by his master, David Davis, from Maryland to western Virginia, or so his master thought and intended. When the longstanding border dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia was finally resolved John, and his master, were in fact living in Pennsylvania. John Davis gained his freedom under Pennsylvania's Gradual Emancipation Act of 1780. That law declared that all children born of slaves in Pennsylvania after March 1, 1780, were free at birth, subject to a period of indenture. The law allowed masters to retain any slaves they owned in Pennsylvania on March 1, 1780, provided they registered each slave with a court clerk before November 1, 1780. The registration fee was two dollars per slave, and any slave not registered by that date immediately became free. The 1780 law put all slave owners in Pennsylvania on notice that they needed to register their slaves. It also left some slave owners in a quandary. Throughout the 1770s the exact location of the Pennsylvania-Virginia border remained uncertain. Inhabitants of what became Westmoreland and Washington counties lived in an area claimed by Pennsylvania under its charter but dominated by Virginia. This confusion led many slave owners in the area to be unwilling to register their slaves. Slave owners who did not register their slaves risked losing them if in fact it turned out that they lived in Pennsylvania. Nevertheless, many slave owners in western Pennsylvania did not register their slaves under the 1780 law, even though on August 31, 1779, commissioners from the two states finally agreed on the exact location of the border. The agreement was not fully ratified by both state legislatures until April 1, 1784. One owner who did not take advantage of this law was Mr. Davis, John's owner, who had moved from Maryland to what he thought was Virginia or what he hoped would become Virginia, but what in fact turned out to be Pennsylvania. In 1782 Davis failed to register his slave John. In 1788 Davis took John to Virginia, where he rented John to a Mr. Miller. A group of John's neighbors allegedly members of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, found John in Virginia and brought him back to Pennsylvania. Miller, fearful that Davis would hold him liable for the value of the slave, hired three Virginians, Francis McGuire, Baldwin Parsons, and Absalom Wells, to recover John. In May 1788 they went to Pennsylvania, found him, and forcibly brought him back to Virginia, on or about May 10, 1788. Davis subsequently sold John to a planter who lived along the Potomac River in eastern Virginia. On November 10, 1788 McGuire, Parsons, and Wells were indicted in Washington County, Pennsylvania for kidnapping under the so-called kidnapping statute of March 29, 1788. This precipitated the first interstate conflict over the rendition of fugitives from justice. As early as 1788 members of the Washington Abolition Society, Alexander Addison and David Redick, asked the Pennsylvania Abolition Society for help in recovering John. The Philadelphia society had little advice except to suggest that John abscond from his new owner and return to Pennsylvania. The Washington Society found this suggestion dangerous and hired a Virginia attorney named White, a nephew of Congressman Alexander White, to recover John. This tactic proved unsuccessful, and John remained a slave in Virginia. By this time the three kidnappers, McGuire, Parsons, and Wells, had been under indictment for over two years but remained at large in Virginia. In December 1790 the Washington County Society again sought the aid of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, this time to help secure the extradition of the three kidnappers.5 In May 1791 the Philadelphia society petitioned Governor Thomas Mifflin of Pennsylvania, telling him that "a crime of deeper die" could not be found in the Pennsylvania "criminal code ... than that of taking off a freeman and carrying him off with intent to sell him, and actually selling him as a slave..." The collection contains correspondence which touches on reasons for the slow pace of Davis's recovery, in a letter dated June 23, 1791, written in response to a letter in which the Washington County Society expressed some degree of frustration with this state of affairs, the Pennsylvania Society states that : "... because the unsettled state of Public Affairs rendered it impolitic to make any requisitions of the State of Virginia until the Federal Constitution should take effect and consolidate the Union..." In June, Governor Mifflin sent Virginia's governor Beverly Randolph copies of the indictments and a cordial note requesting the extradition of the three Virginians, "agreeably to the provisions contained in the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States." Randolph turned the matter over to Virginia's attorney general, James Innes, who took the position that alleged kidnappers had committed only a minor offense over which either Virginia or Pennsylvania had jurisdiction. Therefore, Virginia need not extradite the men unless they were actually convicted of the offense. But while he argued for Virginia's jurisdiction over the case, Innes did not suggest that Virginia was under any obligation to arrest them and bring them to trial. In July Randolph sent Mifflin his formal refusal to order the arrest and extradition of the three fugitives. The result, in brief, of Thomas Mifflin's June 1791 Memorial to Beverly Randolph the governor of Virginia demanding the surrender of the guilty parties was a refusal by the governor of Virginia to comply; and referral of the dispute to President Washington who forwarded the communications to Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson who in turn forwarded them to the United States Attorney General, Edmund Randolph. All of these events occurred in 1791. President Washington laid the matter before Congress. A committee reported out a bill, substantially the Act of 1793. It lay on the table for two sessions and finally became a law February 12, 1794. The resulting law favored slave owners at the expense of northern whites, free blacks, and fugitive slaves. It offered little protection for any of these groups and satisfied most of the slave owners in Congress. From the beginning of the session, southerners dominated the committee for drafting the bill, while northerners managed to defeat some of the most proslavery features of the bill during the debates, the final bill, nevertheless, can only be termed a southern victory. The most important victory for slave owners in the final shaping of the law, and the one most germane to the case of John Davis, concerned alleged fugitives who had lived for a long time or who had been born in the state where they were captured. The proposed bill would have guaranteed such blacks a right to a hearing in the state where they were living at the time of their capture. The deletion of this clause meant that no alleged fugitive could interpose a claim that he or she was born free or had been emancipated and then obtain a trial to prove that right to freedom in the place where he or she lived. In order to remove a black from a free state - even one born in that state - the claimant had only to meet the minimal evidentiary requirements of the law. (For a complete account of the legislative history of the Act see the article by Paul Finkelman, The Kidnapping of John Davis and the Adoption of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793, and his book, Slavery and the Founders, cited below). On the day that George Washington signed the 1793 law the Pennsylvania Abolition Society warned its members of the pending legislation. Society members worried about the use of affidavits sworn before southern judges. They did not trust southerners who sought to capture runaway slaves or to kidnap free blacks. They also feared that northern magistrates would allow renditions based on suspect affidavits. The society's committee of correspondence reported that there was "reason to fear" that the new law would "be productive of mischievous consequences to the poor Negro Slaves appearing to be calculated with very unfavorable intentions towards them..." The society complained that the bill was "artfully framed" with "the word Slave avoided," which meant that only the most vigilant opponents of bondage would be aware of the danger. Society members feared the new law would "strengthen the hands of weak magistrates" who would be used by masters to recover fugitive slaves. Curiously, however, neither members of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, nor anyone else questioned the constitutionality of the 1793 law. Forty years later, some northern judges, as well as many abolitionists, would argue that the 1793 law was unconstitutional. The new fugitive slave law was supported by the Federalist administration of President Washington and was consistent with Federalist notions of strengthening the national government. Thus, it would have been unlikely that Federalists, even those openly opposed to slavery would have opposed the law on constitutional grounds. (See Finkelman, Slavery and the Founders, pp., 99-103, for a discussion of the law's inherent un- constitutionality.) The members of the abolition society must have recognized the irony of this new situation. They had initially written to Governor Mifflin to help secure the extradition of whites accused of kidnapping a free black. Their letter set in motion a chain of events that led to a weak criminal extradition law and a relatively strong fugitive slave law. Under the new law the governor of Virginia could have resisted the demands for the three kidnappers. But under the same law, many fugitive slaves were unable to protect their newly found freedom. Even blacks like John Davis, who had a bona fide claim to freedom, could not protect their liberty under the new law. Ironically, the well-intentioned memorial of the abolition society and the equally well intentioned letter of Governor Mifflin to President Washington led to this dangerous result. The Pennsylvania abolitionists probably had not expected Mifflin to turn to Washington for help. Nor could the Pennsylvania abolitionists have forseen that Washington would turn the matter over to Congress. Had they realized that their letter would lead to federal legislation, they might not have written it. After all, they knew from experience that the northern majority in Congress was weak on slavery issues. The adoption and passage of the 1793 law only underscored the fact. In the end, the 1793 law worked poorly. It did not even resolve the issues immediately surrounding its passage: the fugitive Virginians were never returned to Pennsylvania and John Davis remained a slave, his freedom lost forever. The collection contains additional material dealing with various cases of assistance to African American women and former slaves: Peggy Kuntz, and "Kate and her children", assistance provided by David Redick and the Washington Abolition Society in western Pennsylvania. The collection includes receipts by Peggy Kuntz, acknowledging receipt of various portions of her "freedom dues," which she makes with her mark, an "X". The collection includes the following documents: 1.Manuscript Memorial to the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, headed: At a stated Meeting of the acting Committee of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage 6th Mo. 4th, 1788. A Letter. Dated Washington County May 10th, 1788, from Alexander Addison, Esq. to David Reddick, Esq., Counsellor from that County, and by him sent to this Board, was now produced and read stating, that a free Negro Man named John, formerly Slave to David Davis, now free by the abolition Law of this State, was sent as a slave to Virginia, from whence he escaped and took Refuge in this State, that on the 1st of May he was seized and carried off to Virginia by three Inhabitants thereof, named Baldwin Parsons , Francis McGuire and Absalom Wells; certain Depositions accompanying the Latter to establish the fact... Folio, 3 pages, inscribed on a four page bi-folium, [1790], formerly folded, some separations along folds, with loss of a letter or two, else in very good, clean condition. This document is undoubtedly the retained copy of David Redick. From this document it is learned that Alexander Addison and David Redick were responsible for bringing the case of John Davis to the notice of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, in a letter dated May 10, 1788, and which relates the facts of the case: "a free Negro Man named John, formerly Slave to David Davis, now free by the abolition Law of this State, was sent as a slave to Virginia, from whence he escaped and took Refuge in this State, that on the 1st of May he was seized and carried off to Virginia by three Inhabitants thereof, named Baldwin Parsons, Francis McGuire and Absalom Wells." The document contains depositions "to establish the fact," and that Francis Johnson, Nathan Boys, Caspar Haines, Joseph James, and Thomas Parker were appointed a committee to look into the matter. The document goes on to note that on a meeting of June 18, 1788 the committee made a report that: "They consulted our attorneys on the most eligible mode of procuring redress for the Negro, and bringing the offenders to justice, who advised an application to Council whereupon the following Memorial was accordingly presented," and which reads in part: "It is with the greatest Regret they find themselves constrained to call the attention of the Supreme Executive Council to a flagrant violation of the Laws of Pennsylvania and the Rights of Human Nature, in the Subject of the Depositions which accompany this Memorial: By these it appears that a fellow man, made free by the Justice and Humanity of Pennsylvania has been forcibly seized on and dragg'd out of the State as a Slave by Sundry inhabitants of Virginia." The Memorialists seek the interposition of the Supreme Council "which being warranted by the existing Confederation of the United States, may restore the much injured person to Freedom." The document carries the series of depositions, alluded to above, dated 1789-1790 which relate the facts of the case and the various legal efforts of Alexander Addison, and David Redick, which included filing suit, petitioning members of Congress from Virginia, the Society also sought a meeting with Redick and Addison "to devise some Mode to get Negro John once more within the Limits of this state," and sought a Grand Jury indictment for John's kidnappers, and their arrest and trial under Pennsylvania law. 2. Retained copy of a Manuscript Memorial to Thomas Mifflin, Governor of Pennsylvania, from the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, the memorial reads in part: "To Thomas Mifflin - Governor of Pennsylvania - The Memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery ... Respectfully Sheweth That John a free Negro man residing at Washington in the County of Washington in this Commonwealth entitled to and enjoying the Peace and Protection of the Laws of this State, was on or about the tenth day of May in the Year one thousand seven hundred & eighty eight, with Force and Arms & in Strong hand, assaulted, seised [sic] imprisoned, bound & carried without the jurisdiction of this Commonwealth..." Folio, May 30, 1791, three pages of a four page bi-folium, old folds, horizontal fold on page three, split nearly across the leaf, some spotting and staining, else in very good, legible condition. It is denoted "copy" and is undoubtedly David Redick's retained copy of this memorial. This Memorial to Thomas Mifflin is the memorial which set in motion the chain of events which led to the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793. It refers to the case of John Davis. The Memorialists note that "Francis McGuire, Baldwin Parsons & Absalom Wells, precipitately fled from Justice, taking with them Negroe John & have taken shelter in the State of Virginia or perhaps within that part thereof which has lately been erected into a new State by the name of Kentucke [sic] and the said Negroe John is said now to be held in a State of Slavery by Nicholas Casey near Romney, on the South Branch of the Potowmack in Vriginia." The Memorial goes on to cite the second paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, which states: "A person charged in any State with Treason, Felony or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall on demand of the Executive Authority of the State from which he fled be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime." The Memorialists state "that a crime of deeper dye is not to be found in the criminal code of this State, than that of taking a Freeman and carrying off with intent to sell him, and actually selling him as a Slave," and thereby call upon the Governor to demand that the authorities of Virginia and Kentucky deliver, the suspected kidnappers, to the "Executive Authority of this Commonwealth to be proceeded with according to Law; and that the said Negro John be also sent into this State, to the end that he may be restored to his Freedom." 3. Manuscript Letter from the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery to the Washington Society for the Relief of Free Negroes and Others, 1791 Philadelphia: June 23, 1791, folio, four pages, inscribed on a four page bi-folium, old folds, some minor separations at fold joints, minor age toning and spotting, else in very good, clean legible condition. The letter is signed by William Rogers, vice-president of the Society. The present letter also concerns the case of John Davis and was written to the Washington Society evidently in reply to a letter in which they expressed, to the Pennsylvania Society, dissatisfaction with the slow progress in obtaining relief for Davis. The letter cites the contentious issue of slavery and the pending Federal Constitution, and the desire not to offend the feelings of Virginia and the other slave states on the issue before the Constitution was ratified and adopted, as one of the contributing factors to the length of time involved: "Your letter dated the 6th of December 1790, was laid before us with other business at an occasional meeting on the 29th ultimo - Unaccustomed as we are to receive letters of the like tenor from societies instituted for the same disinterested purposes it was heard with surprise and concern, and as we feel the indispensable necessity of our harmonious co-operation, we do not hesitate to express, that these were our sensations, on finding you could suspect us of neglecting anything referred to us by you - The case of John Davis... we are by no means unacquainted with having already exerted ourselves for his deliverance..." The letter continues, and states quite directly that the "federal consensus" was very much part and parcel of the considerations involved in the case of John Davis: "To avoid however or to remove misapprehensions, we appointed a Special Committee to examine the Minutes and Proceedings of our Acting Committee and inform us whether the only assistance you "could receive from them, was an advice that he should run away." They report that the Acting Committee have done everything in the case, that could reasonably be expected from us, as will appear ... by the enclosed transcript from their minutes. In addition to which we have only to observe that the Memorial presented to the President and Council was not urged by the advice of one of your members then in council because the unsettled state of Public Affairs rendered it impolitic to make any requisitions of the State of Virginia until the Federal Constitution should take effect and consolidate the Union - after that auspicious event Council did not think proper to resume it." The letter then goes on to discuss a proposed rescue of John Davis from slavery by sending someone to Virginia to help him "run away": " of our members recollects a conference with some of your members, in which he suggested the idea of hiring a trusty person to go into Virginia and endeavour to bring away with him the Free Man in question, as it appeared extremely difficult to obtain legal redress there; but it never was advised by us nor even proposed by the person who hinted the attempt but in the last resort - Some time afterwards another member was informed by Alexander Addison Esq. that David Bradford attorney at Law and himself, had individually agreed to institute a Suit in the Courts of Virginia for the legal recovery of the man in consequence of which, we considered the business in other hands and waited to hear of its favourable issue." Additional plans for regaining Davis's freedom are discussed: "In the present circumstance of the case we have prepared a Memorial to the Governor... and hope it will produce the desired effects; but if it should not, your application to Lawyer White will probably be renewed and procure the freedom of the man; which we shall be pleased to hear, without being "numbered among his Deliverers," as freedom is our object and not applause. Your Address to Congress was duly received and we expect to present it, with one from ourselves, and others from most of the Societies in the United States, in the course of the next Session..." "The progress of your Association is not such as we could wish, though we can expect no other, having trodden the same ground ourselves; animated however by the importance of our object and the hope of attaining it, let us not slacken in our pursuits, because "Fools" despise the cause of the Poor, and the worldly "wise" stand aloof, where the most that is to be gained is future reward at present expense..." The letter comments, in somewhat paternalistic language, upon the conditions of recently freed African Americans and hopes for their "improvement": "We agree with you, and it is much to be lamented, that some of the debased Negroes, continue to be idle and vicious after they are delivered from oppression but the crime of Slavery ought not to be imputed to Freedom - We are bold to say it will not when time shall have corrected slavish habits, and shall have inspired those Ideas of Property and Credit, which bind Freemen (and Freemen only) to themselves, their families and the rest of mankind - We rejoice to hear however, that " a few" of those whom you have restored to the exercise of their natural rights and capacities, "justify the interposition of providence in their behalf." We think this a sufficient reward for the labour bestowed upon them all and have no doubt that many more of them will become usefull members of Civil and Religious Society, when they shall have been instructed in the Principles of Religion, the nature of Social Duties and the practice of honest Industry - For these essential purposes we have formed committees upon the plan for the improvement of the Free Blacks, laid before you in our last letter, and have found them so beneficial that we are induced to recommend the same to your further Consideration." 4. (Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery) (Circular.) Philadelphia, 5th Month 30th, 1796. Respected Friend, The Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery, &c. in compliance with a requisition of the Convention of Delegates from the several Abolition Societies throughout the United States, have appointed a Committee to procure a statement of the number and condition of the Blacks both bond and free, in this State... [Philadelphia: 1796] quarto, printed circular letter, one page on four page bi-folium, formerly folded, for mailing, now flattened. The circular has condition problems, the integral address leaf, is badly stained and soiled, there are some holes and loss of paper, which causes only the small loss of text along the bottom edge of the word "Respected" in the printed salutation. An important circular seeking information for a census of Blacks, both bond and free in the State of Pennsylvania. The circular is signed in type at the end of the letter: Edward Garrigues, Sallows Shewell, Thomas Rogers, William Gibbons, Benjamin Tucker. Not in HSP/LCP Afro-Americana Catalog, or Supplement, Evans, Bristol, Shipton-Mooney, OCLC, et cetera. 5. Davis, Jona, Manuscript Letter Morgantown, 8th June, 1798 to David Redick, in Washington, Pa. Small quarto, two pages, on four page bi-folium, formerly folded, some soiling to integral address leaf, docketed in ink" letter from Jona Davis" In very good legible condition. Davis writes to Redick concerning the disposition of the "Negro Wench Kate" and her children: "The Negro Wench Kate with her two children whom you bound to Mrs. Prather, the remainder of their time is to be disposed of and as I believe that Kate would prefer living in Washington I have taken leave to request that you will inform me by next post whether any person there would be likely to want her. ... P.S. Kate has yet three years of her time to serve and the children until of age. I think that she is well worth 50 (pounds) P. Currency with her children." 6. Retained copy of manuscript bond of Janet Prather to James Pemberton, April 26, 1796 Quarto, two pages of a four page bi-folium, old folds, minor toning, soiling and spotting, docketed on verso "Janet Prathers bond. To James Pemberton 1000 pounds." In very good, clean legible condition. This bond headed: "Know all men by these presents that I Janet Prather of the State of Virginia am held and firmly unto James Pemberton of the State of Pennsylvania President of the Abolition Society in the penal sum of one thousand pounds to be paid to the said James... The condition of this obligation is such that if the above bound Janet Prather shall will and honestly give bonds with ample and sufficient Security living in the State of Pennsylvania to David Redick Esq. member of the Abolition Society within three months from the date hereof, for the fulfillment and complete execution of this indenture given her by a negro woman Kate on herself and two of her children..." 7. Manuscript Receipt July 15th 1800 small sheet, measuring 6 ¼ x 4 ⅝ inches, old folds and creases, edges a bit ragged, else very good. Docketed on verso: "Peggy Kuntz Rect. In full of her freedom dues 15th July 1800." A small but highly interesting receipt which notes the items given to Peggy Kuntz a recently freed slave, and which she signs with her "mark": "July 15th 1800 Mrs. Redick delivered to Peggy Kuntz 1 Bedtick 1 Callico Quilt 1 Bloster 1 Blanket 1 Sheet being in full of her freedom dues Peggy Kuntz her X mark Witnesses present at the time of delivery Jno. Gilmore David Redick 8. Manuscript Receipt, April 15, 1800 Small sheet, measuring 3 ¼ x 4 inches, horizontal fold, some toning, else very good. Docketed in ink on verso: "Peggy Kuntz for Freedom." This sheet relates to that directly above, and reads: "I have this day received Twelve dollars for the residue of my Freedom except the bed which with the approbation of my brother I have recd. In full of Mr. Reddick on this 15th April 1800." Peggy Kuntz John Kuntz Notes: 1. Finkelman, Paul, The Kidnapping of John Davis and the Adoption of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 56, No. 3 (Aug. 1990) pp. 397-422, (p. 399). This article contains a thorough legislative history of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793. This article and Finkelman's later book were drawn upon liberally in the creation of our description. See also Finkelman, Paul, Slavery and the Founders Race and Liberty In the Age of Jefferson (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 2001, second edition) pp., 81-104 2. David Redick was born in the year 1750, in Ireland, and after coming to America made his home for several years in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. His father, John Redick, was an emigrant from the north of Ireland. His mother was Rachel Hoge, daughter of John Hoge, an early settler in the Cumberland Valley. David received a good education, was brought up a surveyor, and studied law at Carlisle. In the struggle for Independence he was a hearty participant, and was appointed a commissary in one of the Cumberland County battalions during the early years of the war. Prior to 1780 he married his cousin, Ann Hoge, the daughter of Jonathan Hoge, of Cumberland County, and in 1782 removed to the Chariters Valley, in Western Pennsylvania. Redick with his wife's uncle, David Hoge, surveyed his lands and laid out and platted the town of Bassett Town, which was soon renamed Washington, Pennsylvania, under the direction of Mr. Hoge. At that time Washington County was in the process of being established and Mr. Hoge apparently wanted to establish a town that would serve as the nascent county's center of government. Redick purchased a lot on the town's main street and lived there until his death. At the December term, 1782, he was admitted to Washington County Bar. Redick was elected to represent Washington County on the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, taking his seat therein November 20, 1786. He was elected Vice President of the State on the 14th of October 1788 (the equivalent of Lieutenant-Governor) following the resignation of Peter Muhlenberg. He was the first state-wide officer from Pennsylvania's western frontier. He was at about this time (1788) a Trustee of the University of Pennsylvania in an ex-officio capacity while he was vice-president of the Supreme Executive Council. In testament to his abilities as a surveyor, in October 1787, Mr. Redick was appointed agent of the State for communicating with the Governor of New York the intelligence respecting the Connecticut claims to land in Pennsylvania. He was subsequently, in 1792, appointed to survey the Ten Islands in the Ohio and Allegheny rivers, and divide the several tracts of lands opposite Pittsburgh into out-lots. David Redick was elected delegate to Pennsylvania's Constitutional Convention of 1789-90 and a signer of that eventual document. Redick was admitted as a member of the American Philosophical Society in 1789. On August 17, 1791, his friend, Governor Mifflin, appointed him prothonotary and clerk of courts of Washington County. He held the office of Treasurer of the county from June 22, 1795, to June 23, 1801. During the Whiskey Insurrection, he took a prominent part, - not on the side of the rebels, rather, "in defense of law, order, and the constitution." Redick was one of the Commissioners, William Findley the other, to wait upon President Washington when on his way out with the army, and explain the condition of affairs in the western counties, especially to assure the President of the submission of those who had been insurgents. He and Findley presented the document which represented the rebels' surrender to President Washington and Alexander Hamilton in Carlisle, Pennsylvania in October 1794. Mr. Redick died at Washington, September 28th, 1805, and was buried with Masonic honors. His gravesite is in the Old Washington Cemetery in downtown Washington, Pennsylvania. He was one of the most prominent men in Western Pennsylvania, and vied with Findley, Smilie and Edward Cook in the respect and admiration of the peoples of the western counties. 3. Finkelman, Paul, Slavery and the Founders Race and Liberty In the Age of Jefferson(Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 2001, second edition), p. 81 4. Dumond, Dwight Lowell, Antislavery The Crusade for Freedom in America (Ann Arbor: 1961) p. 47 5. On March 9, 1791 two of John's kidnappers, Francis McGuire and Baldwin Parsons, in company with Captain Samuel Brady and over twenty others, murdered four Delaware Indians at the confluence of Big Beaver Creek and the Ohio River in western Pennsylvania. See Leslie, William R., A Study in the Origins of Interstate Rendition: The Big Beaver Creek Murders. The American Historical Review, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Oct. 1951) pp. 63-76

      [Bookseller: Michael Brown Rare Books, LLC]
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        La Police de Paris dévoilée par Pierre Manuel, l'un des administrateurs de 1789.

      Paris, chez J. B. Garnery, Strasbourg, chez Treuttel, Londres, chez de Boffe, an II, (1793), 2 vol. in 8°, de 11-402pp. 2ff. avec un front. gravé et 1 tableau se dépl., 2ff. 330pp. 2ff. avec 2 grands tableaux dépliants, pl. basane mouchetée époque, dos lisse orné, p. de t. bleue (cachet ex-libris Fr. V. Raspail ) Précieux exemplaire du savant et homme politique républicain, François-Vincent Raspail (1794-1878) qui fut emprisonné à plusieurs reprises sous la monarchie de Juillet. Il est l'auteur de Lettres sur les prisons de Paris parues dans le Réformateur, le journal quotidien qu'il avait fondé en 1834 pour l'éducation du peuple. Edition originale de ce célèbre ouvrage qui dévoile les "secrets" de la police de Paris sous l'Ancien Régime, dévoilant corruption et abus : censure, commerce de la librairie, liberté de la presse, espionnage, commerce du blé, prostitution, productions théâtrales, comédiens, maisons de force, jeux, surveillance des émigrés, libertins, moeurs, etc. Pierre Louis Manuel (1751-1794) sans doute l'un des espions salariés par la police de Paris, embastillé en 1786, il en gardera un grand ressentiment contre l'administration policière d'ancien régime. En 1789, il joua un rôle de premier plan lors des premières émeutes, et sera nommé administrateur de la police. C'est donc un témoignage de l'intérieur, cependant non dénué d'un certain esprit de revanche. ¶ Le Clère Biblio. police n° 691 " C'est un recueil de tous les potins..." - Goldsmiths 15766 - Tourneux III.14172

      [Bookseller: L'intersigne Livres anciens]
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        Ordinationes Caesareo Pragiae a 1 Aprilis Anni 1780 pub. licatae, et imposterum publicandae sive haec populum solum, sive chorum simul concernant, Congesta Juxta AugustinissimumCaesareo Regium Derrotum Parochiae Lundecensi [Lundectesi? Lundeciesi?]. [Böhmen, Prag, Josepf II. Römischer Kaiser, Dekrete, Verordnungen; Überfall der französ. Soldaten auf Falkenstein, 1793; Altbreisach.]

      Prag 1793 - Einzigartiges Zeitdokument aus den Jahren 1781 - 1783. Handschriftliche Gestze u. Verordnungen auf großen, meist gefalteten Blättern, jeweils gefolgt von ihrer Druckversion. Mit einem Siegel vom 27. November 1793. +++ 4° (33x21 cm), Halbleder d. Zt., Deckel ramponiert, Bindg, fest, ca. 700 unpag. S., Titel handschriftlich, die ersten 6 Bll. sowie ca. 20 Bll. in der Mitte des Bandes am Außenrand angefleddert, Pp. teils wasser- u. stockfleckig, überwiegend aber sauber. +++ Geruchsneutral. +++ If you want more information or photos please use the "Ask Bookseller a question" button and I'll be pleased to help. [Attributes: Hard Cover]

      [Bookseller: Magister Michalis, Internet-Antiquariat]
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        Raccolta di sessanta piu belle vestiture che si costumano nelle provincie del regno di Napoli.

      Naples, Vincenzo Talani, 1793. Folio (39 x 26.5 cm), 2 parts in 1 volume, engraved general title, 60 engraved plates by Bianchi after Alessandro D'Anna, occasional light soiling, modern period style red morocco richly gilt, marbled edges. Fine, fresh example of the first edition of this depiction of the costumes of Naples. Of great rarity: no copy found on COPAC; OCLC lists New York Public Library and Bibliotheque Nationale only. These were produced at a time when this subject was of considerable interest. The king of Naples, Ferdinand IV, at the instigation of the Marquis Domenico Venuti, had commissioned various artists to produce watercolours of native subjects for the royal factory of Capodimonte porcelain, probably in order to raise the profile of the kingdom. There was a competition to choose artists, won by Xavier Della Gatta and Alessandro D'Anna. Della Gatta and D'Anna then travelled through the kingdom, often over rugged and dangerous terrain, making drawings of the finest subjects. What happened to the original drawings is not known, but the publishers Talani and Gervasi must have had them at some point and used them to produce the present work. Most of the engravings are of women. All the subjects are set against fully landscaped backgrounds making this a particularly attractive and evocative work. Brunet IV 1075; Colas 2468; Vinet 2303.

      [Bookseller: Antiquarian Bookshop Shapero Rare Books]
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        Der junge Mann mit der Silhouette. Zweiter Zustand, 1793

      - Technik: Radierung auf Papier. Werkverzeichnis: Engelmann 722 a von b. Grösse: 8,3 x 11,7 cm (Darstellung). Weitere Größen: Platte: 8,7 x 12,2 cm Papier: 14,6 x 19,1 cm. Es handelt sich um einen Gesamtpreis inkl. Versandkosten innerhalb der BRD. Umsatzsteuer wird wegen Differenzbesteuerung nach §25a UstG weder erhoben noch ausgewiesen.

      [Bookseller: H. W. Fichter Kunsthandel e.K.]
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        Fischer bei Civita Castellana, 1793

      - Technik: Radierung auf Papier. Beschriftung: Unterhalb der Darstellung in der Druckplatte signiert, datiert und bezeichnet: "J. C. Reinhart fec Romae 1793 | A Civita Castellana". Werkverzeichnis: Nagler 12, Nr. 17; Andresen I, Nr. 60; Feuchtmayr Abb. 375; Fichter Nr. 11; Köln 1974, Nr. 26; Köln 1984, Nr. 62. Serie: Mahlerisch radirte Prospecte von Italien, von Johann Christian Reinhart, Jakob Wilhelm Mechau und Albert Christoph Dies. Grösse: 34,6 x 26,1 cm (Darstellung). Weitere Größen: 49,2 x 39 cm (Papier). 37,4 x 27,9 cm (Plattenmaß). Beschreibung: Reinharts virtuose Behandlung des Laubwerks ist von Zeitgenossen oft bewundert worden. Für Friederike Brun ist sein „Baumschlag [ ] der kühnste und kräftigste [ ] Schön emporgetragen in Fülle und Anmut sind seine Bäume, wo man jedes edle Geschlecht unverkennbar erblickt und nicht bedeutungslose Massen nur dem Auge schmeicheln. Die Kühlung der Schatten umsäuselt Dich [ ]." (Feuchtmayr 1975, S. 76) Vegetation und hohe Felsen verstellen fast vollständig den italienischen Himmel. Der Betrachter glaubt sich in die deutschen Mittelgebirge versetzt. Es handelt sich um einen Gesamtpreis inkl. Versandkosten innerhalb der BRD. Umsatzsteuer wird wegen Differenzbesteuerung nach §25a UstG weder erhoben noch ausgewiesen. [Attributes: Signed Copy]

      [Bookseller: H. W. Fichter Kunsthandel e.K.]
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        Wäscherinnen bei Civita Castellana, 1793

      - Technik: Radierung auf Papier. Beschriftung: Unterhalb der Darstellung in der Druckplatte signiert, datiert und bezeichnet: "J: Mechau f. Romae 1793 | A Civita Castellana". Werkverzeichnis: Nagler 8, Nr. 15; Fichter Nr. 32. Serie: Mahlerisch radirte Prospecte von Italien, von Johann Christian Reinhart, Jakob Wilhelm Mechau und Albert Christoph Dies. Grösse: 24,8 x 35,2 cm (Darstellung). Weitere Größen: 39,2 x 49 cm (Papier). 27,9 x 37,8 cm (Plattenmaß). Beschreibung: Durch Bäume abgeschlossenes enges Tal mit einem Bach, über den sich eine Brücke spannt. Im Mittelgrund sieht man teilweise menschliche Behausungen, deren Bewohner bei verschiedenen Tätigkeiten dargestellt sind. Schinkel hat auf seiner zweiten Italienreise am 27. August 1824 ein ähnliches Felsental gesehen, in dem wie im Altertum die „ärmsten Leute" wohnten (Schinkel 1979, S. 178). Es handelt sich um einen Gesamtpreis inkl. Versandkosten innerhalb der BRD. Umsatzsteuer wird wegen Differenzbesteuerung nach §25a UstG weder erhoben noch ausgewiesen. [Attributes: Signed Copy]

      [Bookseller: H. W. Fichter Kunsthandel e.K.]
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        Autograph Letter signed to Revd Algernon WELLS (John Harfield, 1798-1942, English Chemist in the Cape Colony in Africa, Anti-Slavery Campaigner)

      - (1793-1850 Congregationalist Minister) saying that he is "directed by the Committee of the B & F Anti-Slavery Society to transmit to you the accompanying Resolutions as a reply to the communication of the Committee of the Congregational Union of England and Wales received from you . with a request that you will be pleased to lay them before that Committee .", on the headed paper of the "British & Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for the Abolition of Slavery & the Slave Trade Throughout the World" with a vignette of a slave wearing a loincloth with his hands chained and the slogan "Am I not a Man and a Brother", 1 side 4to., 27 New Bond Street, London, 8th December 1840 He held a number of voluntary roles including Secretary of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. The suburb of Cape Town called Harfield drew its name from Tredgold's middle name. The World Anti-Slavery Convention met for the first time at Exeter Hall in London, on 12–23 June 1840. It was organised by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, largely on the initiative of the English Quaker Joseph Sturge. Tredgold and his wife Elizabeth attended the Convention which attracted delegates from America, France, Haiti, Australia, Ireland, Jamaica and Barbados. It had been a matter of much debate as to where the female delegates would sit. Eventually the organisers had insisted that they sat with all the other women and male observers. The exclusion of women in this way had important ramifications for the women's suffrage movement in the United States.

      [Bookseller: Sophie Dupre ABA ILAB PADA]
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        A Voyage Round the World in his Majesty's Frigate Pandora. Performed under the direction of Captain Edwards in the years 1790, 1791 and 1792. With the discoveries made in the South-Sea; and the many distresses experienced by the crew from shipwreck and famine, in a voyage of eleven hundred miles in open boats, between Endeavour Straits and the island of Timor..

      Berwick: W. Phorson, 1793. The frontispiece a little foxed as common, early owner's name erased but faintly visible at head of title-page and first page of text.. Octavo, engraved frontispiece portrait of the author; an appealing copy in a good early tan calf binding, gilt banded spine with dark label. Rare first edition: the account of the doomed Pandora voyage to the Pacific, written by the ship's surgeon, who survived shipwreck and a terrible open-boat voyage to safety. Hamilton writes in an easy, amusing fashion, and this is one of the most personal of eighteenth-century voyage accounts: it would certainly have entertained the contemporary reader, and helped set the tone for the many medical-voyagers who would publish their own books in the nineteenth century.William Bligh had returned to England in 1790 and the Admiralty immediately commissioned the Pandora to search for and arrest the Bounty mutineers. Hamilton's is the only full contemporary account of the voyage, which succeeded in arresting 14 of Bligh's former crew in Tahiti. The remainder of the cruise of the Pandora was ill-fated: it is now thought likely that the officers failed to recognise a distress signal from the La Pérouse survivors while sailing in the Santa Cruz Group, and not long after the vessel was wrecked on the Great Barrier Reef while attempting to sail the Endeavour Strait. As the ship foundered Captain Edwards had left the prisoners locked up in the infamous "Pandora's box" on deck to drown, but the master-of-arms dropped keys to them and ten made it to safety. Just like Bligh and the loyal Bounty sailors, Edwards and his men now faced a gruelling open-boat voyage to Dutch colonies: the survivors ultimately landed in Timor (Bligh had sailed for Batavia). The expedition did make some discoveries, including some survey work of the Strait in order to determine the best passage to Botany Bay, but also failed, of course, to find the remaining mutineers on Pitcairn Island.This is now a very scarce book on the market. It was republished as a facsimile in the Australian Maritime Series in 1998. Recent research has underlined the importance of Hamilton's account to the history of the Pandora voyage and to the rediscovery of the ship's wreck. Provenance: Private collection (Sydney).

      [Bookseller: Hordern House Rare Books]
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        Historical Journal of the Transactions at Port Jackson and Norfolk

      , 1793. 1793. HUNTER, JOHN. An Historical Journal of the Transactions at Port Jackson and Norfolk Island, with the Discoveries which have been made in New South Wales and in the Southern Ocean.... London: For John Stockdale, January 1, 1793. 4to. [16], 583 p. Port., engr. title, and 15 plates (incl. 2 folding maps). Neat modern antique-style half calf. Faint sporatic dampstain in the top and bottom margin, title a trifle dust-soled, the two folding maps a bit tightly bound in, else a very good and full-margined copy, retaining the deckles on many leaves. First edition of a key book in describing the early settlement of Sydney, Australia. Hunter was vice admiral and governor of New South Wales following Arthur Philip. The handsome engraved plates include the first published view of Sydney and "A Family of New South Wales" by William Blake. Hill 857; Ferguson 152; Wantrup 13.

      [Bookseller: Joseph J. Felcone Inc. ]
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        Chasse Aux Perdreaux

      Bulla Frères, Paris - Très belle lithographie originale du XIXe siècle, dessinée, peinte et gravée par François Grenier (1793-1867), en coloris d'époque, imprimée par Lemercier à Paris. Dimension avec la marge: 47,5 x 66 cm; sans la marge: 39 x 61,5 cm. Signée par l'artiste en bas à gauche dans la gravure.

      [Bookseller: Rossignol]
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        Zwei Jäger bei Subiaco, 1793

      - Technik: Radierung auf Papier. Beschriftung: in der Platte signiert, datiert und bezeichnet: "J. Mechau f. Roma 1793" und bezeichnet: "Vicino a Subiaco". Werkverzeichnis: Nagler 8, Nr. 24, Fichter Nr. 31. Serie: Mahlerisch radirte Prospecte von Italien, von Johann Christian Reinhart, Jakob Wilhelm Mechau und Albert Christoph Dies. Grösse: 25,4 x 35,6 cm (Darstellung). Weitere Größen: 39,4 x 49,5 cm (Papier). 28,5 x 37,6 cm (Plattenmaß). Beschreibung: Eher an deutsche Mittelgebirge als an Italien erinnernde präromantische Landschaft, die nicht durch Baumkulissen begrenzt wird, sondern sich ins Unendliche ausdehnt. Zwei am Rande einer Schlucht rastende Jäger sind als Rückenfiguren gegeben. Es handelt sich um einen Gesamtpreis inkl. Versandkosten innerhalb der BRD. Umsatzsteuer wird wegen Differenzbesteuerung nach §25a UstG weder erhoben noch ausgewiesen. [Attributes: Signed Copy]

      [Bookseller: H. W. Fichter Kunsthandel e.K.]
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        Lettre de quittance, écrite et signée par Redouté

      Paris, 1793. 14 septembre 1793, l'an 2e de la République, 14 septembre 1793, l'an 2e de la République, , un billet de 180 x 130 mm, rédigé à l'encre brune, portant en-tête le cachet de minute notarial à l'emblème de la République et avec la devise "la loi le roi", , Intéressante pièce autographe du peintre Pierre-Joseph Redouté : elle témoigne de son activité de dessinateur scientifique et de ses relations avec deux des plus grands noms du monde des sciences et de la physique de la fin du XVIIIe siècle, Antoine Lavoisier et Jean-Charles Borda, au sujet de l'élaboration du système métrique. En 1792, Redouté, qui passera à la postérité pour ses peintures de fleurs, est employé par l'Académie des sciences. Il signe ici une reconnaissance de paiement perçu de la part du très célèbre Lavoisier : "pour deux dessins que j'ai fait à Mr Borda relatifs aux opérations pour mesurer la longueur du pendule à seconde". Nous avons donc là une minute exceptionnelle, en lien avec l'une des dernières préoccupations de Lavoisier à la veille de son emprisonnement, le 24 novembre 1793, et de son exécution, le 8 mai 1794 : appelé par le gouvernement pour fixer les règles du nouveau système métrique, Lavoisier s'était adjoint l'aide du physicien et navigateur Jean-Charles Borda (1733-1799), rendu indispensable pour l'exactitude de ses opérations de pesage. L'importance de cette tâche était de taille : il s'agissait d'uniformiser le système des poids et des mesures dans l'ensemble de la France. Dans ces conditions, Lavoisier fut exceptionnellement autorisé, par délibération de la Commission le 28 frimaire An II (18 décembre 1793), à sortir de sa prison chaque matin accompagné d'un gendarme, pour continuer ses expériences. C'est Borda lui-même qui signa la délibération : "la présence permanente du citoyen Lavoisier, en raison de son talent particulier pour tout ce qui exige de la précision, est irremplaçable. Il est urgent que ce citoyen puisse être rendu aux travaux importants qu'il a toujours suivis avec autant de zèle que d'activité ". Bel état, en dépit d'un renfort marginal au revers et une petite déchirure de 2 cm, sans atteinte au texte

      [Bookseller: Librairie Alain Brieux]
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        Sur les Générations actuelles. Absurdités humaines.

      A Paris (Neuchâtel). L' an 1793 de l' ère chrétienne. - Petit in- 8, (176 x 108 mm.) ; (4)- IV- 415 pp. ; 1/2 veau marbré, dos lisse orné, tranches paille mouchetées de rouge, rel. de l' ép. Ed. originale du 2ème livre de Senancour, après "Les premiers Ages, Incertitudes humaines", paru un an auparavant sous le même nom de plume, "Rêveur des Alpes". Livre étrange, composite, un chapitre sur le rôle dévastateur de l' homme sur la nature, une critique virulente des religions, des vues sur l' "Etat social de l' homme", &c. Entre Rousseau et Sylvain Maréchal, écologie, romantisme et athéisme. Ni dans Quérard, ni dans Cioranescu, ni dans Clouzot. Monglond, (Le Préromantisme français, tome II, p. 99) : "Quand, en pleine Terreur, le chimérique Rêveur des Alpes publie, à l' âge de vingt- trois ans, ce petit livre aujourd' hui introuvable, Sur les Générations actuelles ---". Bel ex., très rare. [Attributes: Hard Cover]

      [Bookseller: Thierry Gauville]
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        Description of the Western Territory of North America.

      1793. IMLAY, Gilbert. A Description of the Western Territory of North America. Dublin: Printed for William Jones, 1793. Small octavo, contemporary full brown sheep rebacked, black morocco spine label. $1500.First Dublin edition, published only one year after the London first edition, ImlayÂ’s highly regarded account of the land and culture of AmericaÂ’s western territories, praised as “a model of what a monograph on a new country should be,” scarce in contemporary sheep.Gilbert Imlay, famed for his love affair with Mary Wollstonecraft, achieved earlier notoriety as “one of the most enigmatic figures to emerge on the [American] frontier in the 1780s.” Believed to have been a spy for Washington during the Revolution, afterwards Imlay traveled through Kentucky, and is reported to have continued working as a secret agent: “posing as a Spanish spyÂ… while at the same time acting as an agent provacateur on behalf of the United States.” Written by Imlay during this period as a series of letters, this popular and highly regarded view of AmericaÂ’s western territories has been praised as “‘a model of what a monograph on a new country should be. It is at once clear, full, and condensedÂ… Imlay projects a vision of two Americas: the genuine America in the West as distinct from European colonization of eastern States, a belief in the West as ‘the centre of the earthÂ… at once the emporium and protectors of the world” (Gordon, Vindication, 192-200). A year after this Dublin edition was published, Mary Wollstonecraft, having escaped death in the aftermath of the French Revolution, gave birth their daughter Fanny Imlay. Preceded by the London edition of 1792 titled A Topographical Description of the Western Territories. Howes I12. Sabin 34357. See Lowndes, 1159; Streeter 1522; Sabin 34354. Bookplate. Bookseller ticket.Text generally fresh and clean, slight rubbing, edge-wear to boards. A highly desirable copy in extremely good condition.

      [Bookseller: Bauman Rare Books]
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        La police de Paris dévoilée

      EditionBound in full brown sheepskin contemporary. Back smooth decorated with geometric patterns in the grotesque. parts of title in red morocco, piece and volume number in red morocco medallion. Chez J. B. Garnery à Paris 1793 in-8 (12,5x19cm) relié

      [Bookseller: Librairie Le Feu Follet]
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